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Page 134

villages that had come under the control of the Supreme
Committee sent, one after the other, couriers to Sandanski,
Cernopejev, Arsenov and other commanders in neighboring
districts, seeking their help in their efforts to free themselves
the Supreme Committee’s troops___What form did the rising
actually take? The peasants had ceased to trust the Supreme
Committee’s followers, and were unwilling to rebel, notwith­
standing all propaganda, assurances and terrorization. In
order to compel them to rebel—i. e., to abandon the villages
and, whether with or without arms, to flee into the mountains
and so create the impression that a revolt had broken out—
the Supreme Committee’s bands used provocateur methods: in
several villages, they attacked Turkish landowners, thus pro­
voking reprisals by Turkish troops and compelling the po­
pulation to ‘rebel.’. .. This was a great blow for the Organiza­
tion, occurring as it did at a moment when the latter was
carrying out its armament plans.. . . It was a dreadful and
irreparable blow to the honor and prestige of the Mace­
donian liberation movement, which was represented to the
outside world as being dependent on, and led by, the Bul­
garian government and court, which were exploiting it as the
instrument of their aggressive policy” (pages 13—14).

In general, it may be said that the population was torment­
ed by the arbitrary conduct of the guerrillas: the entire life
and work of the peasants was controlled by IMRO. This
merely aggravated their already difficult situation, and
brought no solution to the problem. There were signs that
this was beginning to be realized in Bulgaria. During a
private audience, King Ferdinand asked Baron Wladimir Giesl
for his opinion why the influence of Bulgarian propaganda
in Southern Serbia was waning, while that of Serbia was
growing. Baron Giesl, who was well acquainted with the
mood of the inhabitants of Southern Serbia, gave as the main
reason for the decline of Bulgarian influence the terror in­
flicted on the people by the “revolutionary committees.”
“Yes,” replied Ferdinand, “that is the real reason. The com­
mittees have done much harm to the Bulgarian cause, and it
will be worse if Russia succeeds in getting Joachim III ap­
pointed ecumenical patriarch.” 171 During another audience,

1,1 Wladimir Giesl, ZweJ Jahrzehnte im Nahen Orient, Berlin,
1927, p. 161.

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when the subject of discussion was the possibility of estab-
llwhing an autonomous Macedonia dependent on Bulgaria, the
lmron said to Ferdinand: “I have already demonstrated that
I he plan for an autonomous Macedonia under Bulgarian
leadership, which the Bulgars are advocating, is a Utopia. Rus-
nla, Turkey, Serbia and Greece would resist it with all their
force.” 172

###

In the revolutionary campaign conducted, not only by Bul­
garian propaganda but also by IMRO, the rising of August 2,
11103, occupies a central place. Both sides, although their aims
were becoming increasingly divergent, claimed it for them-
Hclves, seeing in it the most forceful expression of the revo­
lutionary 61an and of the devotion of the masses to their
cause. In the various references to it, it is extolled as the
highlight of the campaign for the liberation of Macedonia
and as an event marking the beginning of a new epoch. Ac­
cording to one of the leaders of IMRO, it was a revolutionary
watershed in Macedonian history dividing two currents—that
of IMRO and that of the Supreme Committee.17* In his
brochure on the rising, Dimo Hadji Dimov wrote: “This epoch-
making event was decided on by the congress of the Revo­
lutionary Organization in early January 1903, and on July 20
(Old Style) it was launched. It was begun with an enthusiasm
and degree of self-sacrifice that can only be manifested by
a people that has been taught to die for its freedom. This
| the Macedonian] people had been educated in this spirit by
its Revolutionary Organization, which could not be otherwise
than worthy of its people.” 174 Elsewhere, the rising is de-
Hcribed as “the most important revolutionary act in the his­
tory of the Macedonian revolutionary movement,. . . an epoch-
making event of tremendous importance, a turning point
which determined, not only the immediate future of the Mace­
donian liberation movement, but also Bulgarian, and to a
certain extent, international, policy toward Macedonia and
Turkey in general.” The rising “exposed all the complexity

«" /bid., p. 163.
Makedonsko delo, Aug. 10, 1928, p. 12.

1,4 Ibid., Sept. 25, 1925, p. 55.

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W indelband, W o lfgan g, 111
W oodhouse, S. M., 234

Zelid, Gerasim, Archimandrit,
144

Zeuss, Kaspar, 50, 52

Zlatarski, V . N „ 26-7, 28, 32,
33, 34-35, 36, 37, 38, 41, 52,
53

Zivanovic, Zivan, 153, 154, 157,
160, 163

Yugov, Anton, 217

266

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CONTENTS

I’r r f u c e ....................................................................... 5

Chapter I. Macedonia as A Geographical Concept . . 9

II. The Arrival of the Slavs in the Balkans . . 17

III. The Macedonian Slavs under Bulgarian Rule 31

IV. The Macedonian Slavs under Serbian Rule . 47

V. The Bulgarian National Revival and the
Macedonian Q u e s t io n ............................. 76

a) The Spiritual and National Fate of the
Bulgars under the Turks........................82

b) Significance of the Term “Bulgar” 86

c) The National Awaking of the Bulgars in
the Nineteenth C en tu ry ........................96

d) The Bulgarian Exarchate and the Mace­
donian Q uestion ................................... 103

e) The Emergence of the Macedonian Ques­
tion ..................................................... 113

VI. Serbian and the Macedonian Question . . 143
VII. The Macedonian Question between the Two

World W a r s ............................................... 177

VIII. The Macedonian Question during and after
World War I I ......................................... 207

IX. The Macedonian Question Today . . . 236
Mibliography.................................................................253

I n d e x ....................................................................... 261

267

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